Post by blackcrowheart on Dec 7, 2006 12:25:30 GMT -5
Spitzer must listen to Native Americans seeking justice
By Doug George-Kanentiio
Guest essayist
(November 15, 2006) — Gov.-elect Eliot Spitzer can bring desperately needed changes in the state's relations with the Haudenosaunee (Six Nations Iroquois Confederacy).
Gov. George Pataki had an opportunity to forge an alliance with the confederacy in 1996-97 when he entered negotiations to create a compact that would have excluded the state from collecting sales taxes on Indian territory while centralizing the marketing of tobacco under Haudenosaunee authority
Had the agreement passed, the bulk of tobacco sales profits would have been retained by the respective member nations of the confederacy, which in turn would have paid for essential community services such as housing, health care, education and economic development.
Pataki, however, caved in to orchestrated demonstrations organized by native retailers who opposed the empowerment of Haudenosaunee government since it would cut into their profits and they distrusted any action that hinted at regulation. The effect of Pataki's rejection of the Haudenosaunee deal was the creation of an era of anarchy and corruption among the Iroquois. Without the monetary means to provide for the needs of their people, the Iroquois national governments watched as their communities became havens for smugglers, dope dealers and gun runners.
Pataki also adopted the policy of his predecessor Mario Cuomo when he sought to extinguish our land claims in exchange for casino gambling pacts. Pataki could have avoided years of litigation by agreeing to form a Haudenosaunee-U.S.-federal-New York state lands resolution committee. However, Pataki decided to use the casinos as bait with the result that pro-gambling factions among us bypassed the confederacy and secured compacts that further weakened our status as nations.
The compacts struck at the heart of our treaty status with America in that some Iroquois elements agreed to pay taxes to the state and United States while allowing New York direct criminal jurisdiction on what had been sovereign Indian land.
Some Iroquois administrations even appealed to Pataki to pass legislation to enable the state to enforce all state laws on our territory. Gambling advocates said the Iroquois needed money for jobs and services; yet, the 1997 pact would have eliminated the need for casinos. The casinos have not been a panacea, but have led to the rise of a new class of native millionaires determined to hold on to their wealth even if it means defying their own people.
The Haudenosaunee came to distrust Pataki. Formal communications dwindled, which led to apprehension and confusion. The lack of a central native policy on such vital issues as commerce, land claims and commercial gambling placed many non-native New Yorkers at risk because their homes and businesses were placed in jeopardy when they were cited as defendants in federal court for living on disputed territory or operating stores that could not compete against native-run enterprises. Spitzer can change all of this. He can appoint advisers who have background in native issues — a simple step Pataki never took. He can meet with the Haudenosaunee to create a committee composed of natives, his staff and state legislators to oversee creation of policies to guide the governor-elect through Indian politics and establish a working relationship with the Confederacy.
Spitzer also can end land claims litigation by initiating direct negotiations with the Confederacy. He can demonstrate his sincerity in abiding by our treaties and dropping the land-for-casinos scheme. Spitzer also can end the squabbling among the Iroquois as to which faction will secure a gambling compact in the Catskills by duplicating the Ontario model. That province selected a site for a native casino, contracted with a single entity to oversee its operations and then devised a formula to distribute the profits to all native communities based on population and need. While the Confederacy itself cannot operate a commercial gambling operation, an all-Iroquois committee could as long as there is no cession of our aboriginal rights.
Spitzer must also recognize there is a legitimate need to expand our land because the number of Iroquois is expected to double in the next generation.
The path is clear and the doors open for Spitzer to make his way to our capital of Onondaga and meet with the Haudenosaunee leaders. For the good of all of New York state, he should take that first step.
George-Kanentiio, an Akwesasne Mohawk, resides on Oneida Territory. He is a co-founder of the Native American Journalist Association and the author of two books on Iroquois culture. E-mail him at Kanentiio@aol.com.
By Doug George-Kanentiio
Guest essayist
(November 15, 2006) — Gov.-elect Eliot Spitzer can bring desperately needed changes in the state's relations with the Haudenosaunee (Six Nations Iroquois Confederacy).
Gov. George Pataki had an opportunity to forge an alliance with the confederacy in 1996-97 when he entered negotiations to create a compact that would have excluded the state from collecting sales taxes on Indian territory while centralizing the marketing of tobacco under Haudenosaunee authority
Had the agreement passed, the bulk of tobacco sales profits would have been retained by the respective member nations of the confederacy, which in turn would have paid for essential community services such as housing, health care, education and economic development.
Pataki, however, caved in to orchestrated demonstrations organized by native retailers who opposed the empowerment of Haudenosaunee government since it would cut into their profits and they distrusted any action that hinted at regulation. The effect of Pataki's rejection of the Haudenosaunee deal was the creation of an era of anarchy and corruption among the Iroquois. Without the monetary means to provide for the needs of their people, the Iroquois national governments watched as their communities became havens for smugglers, dope dealers and gun runners.
Pataki also adopted the policy of his predecessor Mario Cuomo when he sought to extinguish our land claims in exchange for casino gambling pacts. Pataki could have avoided years of litigation by agreeing to form a Haudenosaunee-U.S.-federal-New York state lands resolution committee. However, Pataki decided to use the casinos as bait with the result that pro-gambling factions among us bypassed the confederacy and secured compacts that further weakened our status as nations.
The compacts struck at the heart of our treaty status with America in that some Iroquois elements agreed to pay taxes to the state and United States while allowing New York direct criminal jurisdiction on what had been sovereign Indian land.
Some Iroquois administrations even appealed to Pataki to pass legislation to enable the state to enforce all state laws on our territory. Gambling advocates said the Iroquois needed money for jobs and services; yet, the 1997 pact would have eliminated the need for casinos. The casinos have not been a panacea, but have led to the rise of a new class of native millionaires determined to hold on to their wealth even if it means defying their own people.
The Haudenosaunee came to distrust Pataki. Formal communications dwindled, which led to apprehension and confusion. The lack of a central native policy on such vital issues as commerce, land claims and commercial gambling placed many non-native New Yorkers at risk because their homes and businesses were placed in jeopardy when they were cited as defendants in federal court for living on disputed territory or operating stores that could not compete against native-run enterprises. Spitzer can change all of this. He can appoint advisers who have background in native issues — a simple step Pataki never took. He can meet with the Haudenosaunee to create a committee composed of natives, his staff and state legislators to oversee creation of policies to guide the governor-elect through Indian politics and establish a working relationship with the Confederacy.
Spitzer also can end land claims litigation by initiating direct negotiations with the Confederacy. He can demonstrate his sincerity in abiding by our treaties and dropping the land-for-casinos scheme. Spitzer also can end the squabbling among the Iroquois as to which faction will secure a gambling compact in the Catskills by duplicating the Ontario model. That province selected a site for a native casino, contracted with a single entity to oversee its operations and then devised a formula to distribute the profits to all native communities based on population and need. While the Confederacy itself cannot operate a commercial gambling operation, an all-Iroquois committee could as long as there is no cession of our aboriginal rights.
Spitzer must also recognize there is a legitimate need to expand our land because the number of Iroquois is expected to double in the next generation.
The path is clear and the doors open for Spitzer to make his way to our capital of Onondaga and meet with the Haudenosaunee leaders. For the good of all of New York state, he should take that first step.
George-Kanentiio, an Akwesasne Mohawk, resides on Oneida Territory. He is a co-founder of the Native American Journalist Association and the author of two books on Iroquois culture. E-mail him at Kanentiio@aol.com.